In June 1878 the Chinese Government sent a Cantonese named Ch’ên Lan-pin as Minister to Washington. His sphere of influence included Spain and the Spanish—Portuguese Republics, and grew out of the illtreatment of coolies in Cuba. A mission of enquiry, conducted by Mr. MACPHERSON, of the Foreign Customs, had passed through Shanghai for Cuba in October 1873. (Incidentally, I may mention that when I was in Cuba (1894) the ill-treatment of Chinese had ceased.
The Macao slavetrade had been stopped, largely through the efforts of Great Britain, in 1874; and the Peruvians (also under suspicion) were busy at Canton with their proposed coolie-hiring, when Ch’ên Lan-pin called to consult certain of his friends about it. The Peruvians did not eventually succeed. Two years later the Brazilians came to try their hand; and the Dutch were also particularly anxious to facilitate the importation of Chinese coolies into Sumatra, as their methods were such that the British (Indian) Government did not care to encourage the emigration of Klings, at least unless a British official were allowed to watch the whole business.

It was under these circumstances that I took an opportunity of visiting the Sumatra tobacco plantations of Deli, in the spring of 1888, in order that I might see on my own account and with my own eyes the real state of affairs. Deli seems to be practically the old state of Ferlech, or Parlac, visited by Marco Polo; and when I was there, quite a flourishing town called Medan, connected with the port by a good railway, had grown up in the neighbourhood of the Deli Maatschappij’s chief plantations.
Very few Englishmen owned tobacco-interests; the most energetic, and the least tender to the Chinese, seemed to be the Germans. I found the rules made by the authorities fairly good on paper; but on visiting the tobacco-fields, and closely enquiring from the coolies themselves, I was convinced that the majority of them were in a position little removed from virtual slavery. In the first place, they had to sign bonds to serve for a minimum time (three to live years) at fixed wages; then they had to guarantee repayment of their passage-money and outfit; every encouragement was given to them to „extend them term- ‘ and to spend as much of their money as possible in „tuck-shops” brothels, and other places provided for their recreation; the food they bought and the opium they smoked brought profit at their expense to either the administration or „the owner”; loans were offered freely; penalties for breach of discipline were heavy; and the „laws of evidence” were such that practically the white man was able to „work the case” in his own interest.
Every possible obstacle which the law allowed was directly or indirectly put in the coolies’ way to prevent their leaving for China with their earnings; but they were invited to send savings and to coax their relatives to come too. The influence of „smart” Chinese was used to compel the unwilling. Nearly all the coolies I saw said, on their own behalf and on that of their friends, that tbey would be only tóo glad to escape with their possessions, if they could. Of course the Dutch and German planters put a very different colour upon the story.
They said (which was true) that the accommodation was good; the medical attendance adequate; food sufficient, and not excessively dear; hours reasonable; amusements and pleasures to be got for the paying; but that order and discipline had to be preserved with a strong hand. Yet, the coolies were infinitely worse off than the same Chinamen in English and French colonies.
In a surreptitious way the planters hoodwinked the officials, who perhaps made little effort to be undeceived, and the whole system appeared to me (who see for myself, and take no man’s interested assurances) to be negative if not positive slavery; but still a mild slavery. However I see from our Swatow consul’s last report on the coolie traffic that things are now better.
John Chinaman and a few others by Edward Harper Parker (1849-1926)
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